Gilbert L. Wilson
Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden as told
to Gilbert L. Wilson (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1977), xii-xxiii, 1-21.
Buffalo Bird Woman, known in Hidatsa as Maxidiwiac, was born about 1839 in an earth lodge along the Knife River in present-day North Dakota. In 1845 her people moved upstream and built Like-a-fishhook village, which they shared with the Mandan and Arikara. There Buffalo Bird Woman grew up to become in expert gardener of the Hidatsa tribe. Using agricultural practices centuries old, she and the women of her family grew corn, beans, squash, and sunflowers in the fertile bottomlands of the Missouri River. In the mid-1880s, U.S. government policies forced the break up of Like-a-fishhook village and the dispersal of Indian families onto individual allotments on the Fort Berthold Reservation, but Hidatsa women continued to grow the vegetables that have provided Midwestern farmers some of their most important crops.
In Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden, first published in 1917 as Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians: An Indian Interpretation, anthropologist Gilbert L. Wilson transcribed in meticulous detail the knowledge given by this consummate gardener. Following an annual round, Buffalo Bird Woman describes field care and preparation, planting, harvesting, processing, and storing of vegetables. In addition, she provides recipes for cooking traditional Hidatsa dishes and recounts songs and ceremonies that were essential to a good harvest. Her first-person narrative provides today's gardeners with a guide to an agricultural method free from fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides.
For many white Americans and Europeans, the very idea of farmer-Indians on the Great Plains is unfamiliar. Most people think of Plains Indians as the nomadic tribes who, mounted on horseback and free from agrarian ties to the soil, roamed the Plains in search of the buffalo. Hunters and warriors, provident with nature and fiercely resistant to subjugation, tribes like the Dakota, Comanche, Cheyenne, and Blackfeet have come to typify Plains Indian life. In "dime novels," fiction, movies, or history books, these Plains Indians have symbolized not only the drama and romanticism of the Old West, but a disappearing lifeway as well. The nomadic Plains tribes boom, in the American mind, the quintessential Indians: standard-bearers of a bygone age, remembered for their noble qualities of courage, freedom, and a oneness with nature.1
The other kind of Plains Indian is one to whom a popular sentiment and to a lesser extent historians have paid far too little attention. Thew are the Village Indians of the Great Plains, sedentary farming peoples whose ancient lifeways and contributions to history and civilization have gone largely unsung. In the Northern.
1. For a discussion of the Plains Indian as symbol, see John C. Ewers, "The Emergence of the Plains Indian as the Symbol of the North American Indian," in Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report, 1964 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1965) 531-44. For perceptions of American Indians during the nineteenth century, see Roy Harvey Pearce, Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965).
Plains, the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara (known now as the Three Affiliated Tribes) were once numerous, powerful, and independent tribes controlling practically the entire Missouri River Valley in what is now North and South Dakota. Their cultural adaptations represent a much more ancient and indigenous Plains Indian tradition than the "typical" cultures of the nomadic Plains tribes, which depended on horses introduced by Euro-Americans.
The Hidatsa. inherited a cultural legacy that had long withstood the test of time. Archaeologists have named their lifeway the Plains Village Tradition and traced it back to A.D. 1100 in the Knife River-Heart River region of the Missouri Valley, the historic homeland of the Hidatsa and Mandan.2 The Plains Village lifeway reflects a stable cultural adaptation to specific ecological conditions in the Northern Plains. Agricultural peoples built permanent earthlodge villages where they would not be flooded, on the terraces of the Missouri and its tributaries. From these central communities the people took advantage of the opportunities that nature provided. The river channel provided abundant fish, musselshells, and migratory waterfowl. The floodplains and bottomlands were used for garden plots and supplied extensive quantities of timber for building materials and fuel. The valley, with its characteristic gallery forests, offered habitat for a wide range of large and small mammals and birds which were hunted by Plains Village peoples. Finally, the upland prairie teemed with bison, which were the major focus of Plains Village hunting parties. Thus the Plains villagers developed a successful and complementary dual economy based on agriculture and hunting which persisted well into historic times (that is, after the arrival of Europeans).3
Agriculture provided the distinctive flavor of this lifeway. The commitment to permanent villages, the unique and complex architectural achievements shown in the earthlodges, the settlements and community plans of villages (see Figure A), and the ceramic traditions, all testify to an agricultural legacy that lasted over seven centuries in the Northern Plains. This legacy is imbedded not only in the soil but also in the lives, minds, and hearts of those who inherited it, nourished it, and preserved it. It is to these people, the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara, that historians and anthropologists have turned for this knowledge.
Before the 1830s, members of a large and powerful Hidatsa tribe farmed, hunted, and traded from their traditional villages near the mouth of the Knife River. The Hidatsa were divided into three closely related subgroups who, from about 1787 until 1834-45, maintained distinct and independent villages: the Hidatsa proper, who inhabited Big Hidatsa village on the north bank of the Knife River (see Figure B); the Awatixa, who lived about a mile downstream from the Hidatsa proper in Sakakawea village; and the Awaxawi, who lived in Amahami village
2. Donald J. Lehmer, Introduction to Middle Missouri Archeology, National Park Service Anthropological Papers I (Washington, D.C.: Department of the Interior, 1971), 33.
3. On the ecological conditions of Plains Village people, see Jeffery R. Hanson, "The Hidatsa Natural Environment," in Carolyn Gilman and Mary Jane Schneider, The Way to Independence: Memories of a Hidatsa Indian Family (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1987). 333-39.

about one mile south of Sakakawea at the mouth of the Knife River.4
These subgroups had much in common. They shared a language, a family organization in the form of matrilineal clans (where descent, property, and subgroup identity was traced through the mother's family), fraternal and sororal organization graded by sr. and a cultural commitment to agriculture. The subgroups, however, had different origin stories, dialects, and ceremonial patterns, and it has
4. On the subgroups, here and below, we Alfred W. Bowers, Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 194 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. 1965). 2, 10-35, 64, 174.
![]() | Figure B. The three historically documented Hidatsa village sites. Buffalo Bird Woman said that she was born at Sakakawea around 1839 |
been said that they had no collective name for all three village groups before the arrival of the whites.
The events of the historic period bound the groups in in ever-tightening web of cooperation, unity, and interdependence. Battered by the smallpox epidemic of 1780 and increasing attacks by the Dakota, the loosely affiliated Hidatsa village groups created a tribal council around 1797-98. This council, made up of influential men from all three groups, sought to unify the Hidatsa in external matters of warfare, trade, and negotiation.5
In the early 1800s the villages of the Hidatsa and their neighbors, the Mandan and Arikara, became the focus for the Upper Missouri fur trade. Nomadic tribes bartered horses and hides for the valuable agricultural produce of the Hidatsa. During this period firearms had become a highly desirable item, and the Hidatsa regularly traded guns, brought by Canadian and American fur traders, to other tribes. The traders, who also valued highly Hidatsa corn and other garden produce, ex-
5. Bowers, Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization, 27, 29.
changed an array of other goods reflecting Euro-American technology, including knives, kettles, axes, and metal arrowheads. One of the most significant items received by Hidatsa women was the iron hoe, a tool superior to the traditional bison scapula hoe and one which greatly increased the efficiency of garden work. Bone hoes quickly fell into disuse.6
While the Hidatsa's economy was benefiting from the new commerce, their sedentary Plains Village lifeway made them increasingly vulnerable to enemies, both visible and invisible. In 1834 two of the three Hidatsa villages, Amahami and Sakakawea, were burned by the Dakota.7 The surviving inhabitants of both villages sought and received sanctuary from the Hidatsa-proper and the nearby Mandan. It does not appear that either of these villages was inhabited again on a permanent basis. In 1837 smallpox wiped out half of the tribe, reducing the Hidatsa from approximately twenty-five hundred to about eight hundred. Survivors of this epidemic reorganized themselves at Big Hidatsa. From this point on, the destinies of the Hidatsa-proper, Awatixa, and Awaxawi became irrevocably fused. Reduced in numbers, beleaguered by the Dakota, and facing timber exhaustion, the Hidatsa abandoned their list remaining Knife River village in 1845 and established a new village, Like-a-fishhook, thirty miles upstream on the Missouri.8
In the shadow of Like-a-fishhook village was the trading post of Fort Berthold, built in 1845 by Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and Company (sometimes misleadingly called the American Fur Company) in an effort to reaffirm its trading interests in the Upper Missouri.9 At Like-a-fishhook, the Hidatsa began experiencing the changes that would radically disrupt and alter their culture. Throughout the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s, the Hidatsa (who had since been joined at Like-a-fishhook by the Mandan and Arikara) clung tenaciously to their culture and traditions. Suffering continued episodes of warfare and disease, the Hidatsa-proper, Awatixa, and Awaxawi peoples relied heavily on one another-and borrowed from the Mandan -to fill voids in their social and ceremonial lives. Changes beyond their control, however, were moving them in another direction. The buffalo disappeared from Hidatsa hunting territory; the presence and influence of whites became constant with the ever-increasing steamboat traffic and the military garrison at Fort Berthold, built in 1864 next to Like-a-fishhook village; the U.S. government imposed treaties that continually carved away their territory. All begin to sever the Hidatsa from their traditional culture. The creation of the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation in 1870 and an assimilationist federal Indian policy forcibly altered the economic,
6. The Hidatsa made a number of adjustments in their culture to the fur trade. For a look at these and other changes in Hidatsa culture prior to the reservation era, see Jeffery R. Hanson, Hidatsa Culture Change, 1780-1845: A Cltureal Ecology Approach (Lincoln: J & L Reprint Company, 1987).
7. Frank H. Stewart, "Mandan and Hidatsa Villages in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Plains Anthropologist (1974), 287-301.
8. Hanson, Hidatsa Culture Change, 111-12.
9. G. Hubert Smith, "Like-a-Fishhook Village and Fort Berthold, Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota," National Park Service Anthropological Papers 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1972), 4.
political, and religious structures of traditional Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara cultures.10
White policy makers worked vigorously to break up tribal patterns of the Hidatsa and other Indian peoples during the last quarter of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth. Indian reformers (almost all of whom were not Indian), missionaries, and planners of Indian policy generally agreed that assimilation could not succeed unless Indians were weaned from their traditional notions of tribal or communal landholdings and forced to accept the concept of private property and the values of the agrarian ideal.11 Thus economic reorganization, religious conversion to Christianity, and educational indoctrination constituted a comprehensive attack on traditional Hidatsa culture. The breakup of Like-a-fishhook village came in 1885 as Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara families spread out on allotments along the Missouri River, tending to settle according to traditional tribal affiliation.12 By 1888 the village was virtually abandoned--but the knowledge and memories of Hidatsa tradition were not. Despite the pressures of assimilation, and the cultural and psychological ambivalence that accompanied it, traditional ways held a firm place in the minds, hearts, and souls of many Hidatsa families who sought to balance the new ways with the old, to make sure that the children remembered who they were and where they came from, so they could accommodate change and not be swallowed by it. Ironically enough, it was one of these Hidatsa families, with traditional roots yet affected by change, that in 1906 joined with a remarkable white man in ethnographic enterprise that not only broke through the barrier of assimilationist cultural repression of tribal life, but did so to a large extent from an Indian point of view.13
When Gilbert L. Wilson, an ordained Presbyterian minister with in anthropological and humanistic interest in Indian people, visited the Fort Berthold Reservation in 1906, he was introduced to Buffalo Bird Woman, her brother Wolf Chief, and her son Edward Goodbird.14 He describes their relationship in his introduction
10. On life at Like-a-fishhook, see Gilman and Schneider, "The Way to Independence," in The Way to Independence, 8-26, 128-58.
11. For details of reservation policy as it affected the Three Affiliated Tribes, see Roy W. Meyer, The Village Indians of the Upper Missouri: The Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 1977). For broader historical underpinnings of assimilationist trends in federal Indian policy, we Floyd A. O'Neil, "The Indian New Deal: An Overview," in Indian Self-Rule: Fifty Years under the Indian Reorganization Act, ed. Kenneth R. Philp (Salt Lake City: Howe Brothers, 1985), 30-46. For an excellent picture of the mindset of Indian reformers of the late nineteenth century, see Francis Paul Prucha, Americanizing the American Indians: Writings by the "Friends of the Indian, 1880-1900 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978).
12. Meyer, Village Indians, 135.
13. For a description of Hidatsa cultural continuity, see Gilman and Schneider, The Way to Independence.
14. On the work of Gilbert L. Wilson, here and below, see Gilman and Schneider, The Way to Independence, especially the essay by Alan R. Woolworth, "Contributions of the Wilsons to the Study of the Hidatsa"; MaryJane Schneider, "Introduction," in Edward Goodbird, Goodbird the Indian: His Story (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, Borealis Books, 1995; first published New York: Fleming H. Revel, 1914), xi.
Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara to this book. Their long professional and personal relationship resulted in some of the most detailed (and for its time innovative) ethnographic material ever gathered on a single Plains Village tribe. In addition, Buffalo Bird Woman adopted Wilson into the Prairie Chicken clan and the Hidatsa tribe; Wilson became family. Interested in traditional Hidatsa culture during the Like-a-fishhook years (1845-86), Wilson relied on Buffalo Bird Woman and Wolf Chief as his prime informants, while Goodbird capably filled the role of interpreter and translator. From 1906 to 1918, Gilbert Wilson, often aided by his brother Frederick, an artist, amassed volumes of primary ethnographic materials bearing on aspects of traditional Hidatsa subsistence, technology, social organization, religion, mythology, and folklore. Wilson's highly successful formula involved two fundamental expressions: his own anthropological vision and the cross-generational changes in the cultural experiences of Buffalo Bird Woman, Wolf Chief, and Edward Goodbird.
Wilson's personal vision of anthropology cannot be understood outside the con text of the intellectual philosophies of his times, both within and outside the field of anthropology itself. Anthropology in the United States was undergoing extraordinary change at the start of the twentieth century. During the latter decades of the nineteenth century, scholars had generally accepted grand, simplistic, and often racist evolutionary generalizations about the intellectual and moral superiority
| Buffalo Bird Woman making a model corn stage as Frederick Wilson looks on, 1912 (photographed by Gilbert Wilson; Minnesota Historical Society 9447-A) | ![]() |
of "civilized" society over "savagery." This theoretical
viewpoint was expressed by individuals such as Lewis Henry Morgan
and institutionalized by the early work of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.15 Their approach - the idea of the natural
law of progress from savagery to civilization, the unshackling of
the human intellect from the darkness of tribal custom to the
light of civilized reason-formed the ideological foundations for
assimilationist policies such as the General Allotment Act of
1887 (also known as the Dawes Act). These "self-evident" truths,
however, came under intense attack at the turn of the century,
particularly under the influence of anthropologist Franz Boas,
considered by many as the founder of modern anthropology.
Boas's fundamental criticisms of the evolutionary anthropology
of his time concerned method and temperament. In method, Boas
advocated a holistic, detailed, and exhaustive ethnography of
specific tribes. In temperament, he was a proponent of cultural
relativism, a nonjudgmental and empathetic attitude that
recognized the fundamental value and integrity of all cultures,
primitive or civilized. Thus Boas sought an anthropology with
both scientific rigor and humanism, which were lacking in much of
the evolutionary theory of the period. Boas taught these
approaches to his students at Columbia University (among them
Clark Wissler and Robert H. Lowie, both of whom knew Wilson
professionally) and helped change the philosophy of academic
anthropology. Outside academia, ethnographers such as James
Mooney, Alice Fletcher, and F. H. Cushing of the Bureau of
American Ethnology were paralleling Boas's approach in their
ethnographic work on Indian tribes.16
Thus, when Wilson arrived at the Fort Berthold Reservation in
1906, cultural relativism and a deep appreciation for Indian
customs and traditions were emerging as a counterpoint to the
Victorian notion of the inferiority of tribal cultures. At first,
Wilson simply planned to write books about Indians for children.
Knowing that most such books were written and interpreted by
whites, he wanted to tell about Indian life from the Indian point
of view. When he became interested in studying anthropology, he
embraced both the rigorous fieldwork and the humanism necessary
to conduct insightful and productive ethnography. In 1908 he
began collecting objects and information for the American Museum
of Natural History in New York. In this work, too, the personal
experiences of his Hidatsa consultants formed the basis for his
ethnography. As he explained to Clark Wissler, the Museum's
curator of anthropology and Wilson's supervisor, "We have
abundance of material upon Indian culture, from white men; but
telling us merely what white men think of the subjects treated.
It is of no importance that an Indian's war costume
15. Lewis Henry Morgan, Ancient Society, or Researches
in the Lines of Progress From Savagely through Barbarism to
Civilization (New York: World Publishing, 1877). A good
summary of the evolutionary perspective of John Wesley Powell,
founder of the Bureau of American Ethnology, is provided by L. G.
Moses, The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1984), 29-31.
16. Moses, The Indian Man, 42, 224. A series of
Boas's essays are presented in Race, Language, and Culture
(New York: Macmillan, 1948).
struck the Puritan as the Devil's scheme to frighten the heart
out of the Lord's annointed. What we want to know is why the
Indian donned the costume, and his reasons for doing
it."17 (emphasis added).
Wilson sought to bring topical ethnography down to the
individual level in terms of personal experiences. For example,
to study agriculture, he explained, "I take Maxidiwiac (Buffalo
Bird Woman) as the typical informant. I take her account of a
single year's work, in the main, when she was about 18 years of
age. I follow the seasons with her, getting her always to add
all she can or will of personal experiences. Then I follow by
getting all I can of Wolf Chief, her brother. . . . Obviously,
a man and a woman are not going to look at things the same way.
And their differences, like the ms. mistakes of copyists in the
New Testament, do not confuse, but give us material to strike
the true interpretation."18
The fundamental integrity of Wilson's approach is evident in
his classic publicaons by the American Museum of Natural
History: The Horse and Dog in Hidatsa Culture (1924),
Hidatsa Eagle Trapping (1928), and The Hidatsa
Earthlodge (1934). Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden was
Wilson's doctoral dissertation; its subtitle, An Indian
Interpretation, reflects his commitment to personal
narratives. In addition, Wilson was perhaps the first
anthropologist to make effective use of biography to express
the culture he studied. Not only were Goodbird the Indian:
His Story (1914) and Waheenee: An Indian Girl's
Story (the biography of Buffalo Bird Woman, published in
1921) stories by Indians for non-Indians, but they also
showed the cultural changes and adaptations experienced by
Buffalo Bird Woman's farnily.19 The bicultural
adaptations of Goodbird and Wolf Chief provided the window
through which Wilson viewed the traditionalism of Buffalo
Bird Woman.
By her own account, Buffalo Bird Woman was born about 1839,
"in the Awatixa Village" (Sakakawea), one of the three Hidatsa
villages along the Knife River.20 She was about four
years old when the Hidatsa moved to Like-a-fishhook village,
and there she grew to adulthood and middle age. She was the
daughter of Weahtee or Wants-to-be-a-woman and, according to
Hidatsa custom, became a member of Weahtee's clan, the
Tsistska-doxpaka or Prairie Chicken clan. Also by Hidatsa
custom, Buffalo Bird Woman reckoned Weahtee and all her sisters
collectively as "mother," and she grew up under the cooperative
tutelage of this cohesive matrilineal household.21
Buffalo Bird Woman's father, Small Ankle, was an Awaxawi, a
leading chief of that village group, member of the Midipacli or
Waterbuster clan, and keeper of the din's sacred bundle.
17. Wilson to Wissler, June 14, 1916, American Museum of
Natural History, New York.
18. Wilson to Wissler, June 14, 1916.
19. Schneider, in Goodbird, Goodbird the Indian, vii;
Maxidiwiac, Vaheenee: An Indian Girl's Story, Told by
Herself to Gilbert L. Wilson (St. Paul: Webb Publishing
Co., 1921; Bismarck: State Historical Society of North Dakota,
1981; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Bison Books,
1981).
20. Wilson, Field Report, 1908, vol. 7, p. is, in Gilbert
L. Wilson Papers, Minnesota Historical Society.
21. Maxidiwiac, Waheexee, 9. For a good discussion of
Hidatsa matrilincal clans and kinship arrangements, see Bowers,
Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization, 64-126.
Both Buffalo Bird Woman and Wolf Chief (who was born about
1849) were reared in the traditional Hidatsa manner at
Like-a-fishhook village, and thus learned the practical
techniques, roles, and values of their culture. While Wolf Chief
incorporated the skills, knowledge, and values of traditionally
male activities like hunting, horse training, eagle trapping,
vision questing, and warring, Buffalo Bird Woman became a
consummate agriculturist, earth-lodge builder, and mother. Each
of them proved to be an indispensible source of knowledge on
Hidatsa culture during the Like-a-fishhook years for Gilbert and
Frederick Wilson. Both Buffalo Bird Woman and Wolf Chief had
experienced dramatic changes. When Like-a-fishhook village was
abandoned and reservation culture enveloped them, Buffalo Bird
Woman was in her late forties, and Wolf Chief was in his late
thirties. But as Hidatsa representatives of their respective
genders, these two family members responded and adapted
differently to the new life. For Wolf Chief, the disappearance of
the buffalo, cessation of warfare, and suppression of traditional
ceremonies meant an end to traditional male roles. New roles had
to be substituted, and Wolf Chief made the transition as he
learned to read and write the English language and eventually
became a storekeeper. Role changes for Hidatsa women were not as
radical. Buffalo Bird Woman, while trading the earthlodgc for a
log cabin, was able to continue many of her traditional
activities, particularly those having to do with gardening. She
never learned English, and she remained a staunch traditionalist
until her death.22
Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden is a classic anthropological
document on Indian agriculture. Buffalo Bird Woman provides deep
and encompassing accounts of agricultural practices and related
activities: methods of planting, harvesting, and other seasonal
tasks; descriptions of food processing, cooking, and storing
garden produce in well-built cache pits; the organization of
women's work as it pertained to caring for household gardens;
assisting neighbors during crucial periods of the agricultural
cycle; the enculturation of young girls of the household into
responsible adult female roles.
Hidatsa gardeners were sensitive to the ecological demands of
the Northern Plains climate. They carved garden plots from wooded
and brushy areas in fertile bottomlands, where tillable soil was
renewed annually by flooding; they did not try to cultivate on
the prairie, which was covered with dry, virtually impenetrable
sod. Brush cleared for planting was spread over the plots and
burned, for it was conventional wisdom that burning trees and
brush "softened the soil and left it loose and mellow for
planting" (p. 13). It also added nutrients to the soil. Corn was
planted in hilled rows, with the hills approximately four feet
apart, because "corn planted in hills too close together would
have small ears and fewer of them" (p. 23). This spacing, wider
thin that used by today's corn farmers, may have been tuned to
expected rainfall. Closer spacing would bring higher yields only
if the growing season were unusually wet; wide spacing would
bring acceptable yields
22. Gilman and Schneider, The Way to Independence.
with normal or subnormal summer rainfall. This adjustment to
conditions of low rainfall is consistent with the fact that one
Hidatsa corn variety, flint, was well adapted to the semi-arid
Northern Plains climate. It required only about sixty days to
mature, was relatively resistant to hail and frost, and, because
of its short stalk, withstood winds fairly Well.23
Another ecologically sound practice was fallowing, or taking a
garden plot out of production for a number of years to let it
rejuvenate. According to Buffalo Bird Woman, the Hidatsa normally
fallowed for two years, and "Every one in the village knew the
value of a two years' fallowing" (p. 114).24 These
ecological practices, as well as the Hidatsa settlement plan and
village spatial relationships to adjacent environments, have been
of immense interest to archaeologists, ethnologists, historians,
and other scholars of Native American prehistoric and historic
cultural adaptation. Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden remains
one of the most detailed, in-depth accounts of aboriginal Native
American agriculture ever published.
This book is also significant as a woman's account of
traditional tribal life during the mid-1800s. The roles and
contributions of Plains Indian women to tribal life went largely
ignored by anthropologists of Wilson's generation. This
ethnographic injustice resulted in the creation of false
stereotypes pertaining to the life and lot of Plains Indian women
which have only recently been challenged.25 One cannot
read Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden without marveling at the
array of technical skills which Hidatsa women developed and
applied to everyday life: agriculture, architecture,
construction, storage, crafts, and cooking constitute just a few
of the dimensions of knowledge which Buffalo Bird Woman and other
Hidatsa women contributed. Indeed, most of the distinctive
characteristics of the Plains Village lifeway are attributable to
the high profile of women's economic and social activities.
Whatever flaws appear in Wilson's work on Hidatsa culture stem
predominantly from the fact that he was a product of his times.
In the early 1900s, scholars and the lay public alike viewed
American Indians as members of a vanishing race, destined by
events to lose their culture. Anthropologists motivated by this
erroneous view sought to record traditional tribal culture before
it disappeared from the lives and memories of those who practiced
it. They failed to see the flexibility and dynamism in Indian
cultures, characteristics which did not sever the Hidatsa people
from the past but rather linked them to it in new ways. Wilson
was no exception. As anthropologist Mary Jane Schneider has
observed, "his focus on earlier Indian life prevented him from
seeing how Indians were adapting to white culture and, at the
same time, maintaining as much tribal culture as possible under
the circum-
23. George F. Will and George E. Hyde, Corn Among the
Indians of the Upper Missouri(St. Louis: William Harvey
Miner Co., 1917; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964),
73, 284.
24. Fallowing was also described by Prince Maximilian for
the Knife River villages in 1833-34, and it probably constituted
a long-standing Hidatsa and Mandan custom. Maximilian's
Travels in the Interior of North America, 1832-1834 are
vols. 22 and 23 in Reuben Gold Thwaites. ed., Early Western
Travels (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1906).
25. See, for example, Patricia Albers and Beatrice
Medicine, The Hidden Half: Studies of Plains Indian Women
(Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1983).
stances. Fortunately, because of his dedication and scholarship,
Wilson wrote down whatever he was told, whether it fit his needs
or not, and so he left us an unparalleled record of adaptation
and adjustment."16 In the final analysis, even though
Wilson did not focus on Hidatsa culture change and adaptation, he
made it possible for others to do so.
In Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden, there is very little
material on agricultural activities that postdates the allotment
of Hidatsa lands and the introduction of Euro-American farming
techniques (briefly discussed in Chapter 12, "Since White Men
Came"). But this is fitting for Buffalo Bird Woman; she loved the
"old ways" and lamented their passing. One can glean from this
book her feelings, but they are stated forthrightly in
Waheenee:
My little son grew up in the white man's school. He
can read books, sad he owns cattle and has a farm. He is a
leader among our Hidatsa people, helping teach them to
follow the white man's road.
He is kind to me. We no longer live in an earth lodge,
but in a house with chimneys; and my son's wife cooks by a
stove.
But for me, I cannot forget our old ways.
Often in summer I rise at daybreak and steal out to
the cornfields; and as I hoe the corn I sing to it, as we
did when I was young. No one cares
for our corn songs now.
Sometimes at evening I sit, looking out on the big
Missouri. The sun sets, and dusk steals over the water. In
the shadows I seem again to see
our Indian village, with smoke curling upward from the
earth lodges; and in the river's roar I hear the yells of
the warriors, the laughter of little
children as of old. It is but an old woman's dream. Again I
see but
shadows and hear only the roar of the river; and tears come
into my eyes. Our Indian life, I know, is gone
forever."
It is difficult to say whether Buffalo Bird Woman or Wilson was
responsible for this melancholy expression of these beliefs.
Probably both were, and the statement reflects her feelings as
recast by Wilson into what was then a conventional literary
idiom. But let it be recorded that they were both wrong. There is
continuity between then and now. Through agricultural change, the
development of ranching, the Great Depression, world wars, and
the building of the Garrison Dam which flooded the bottomlands of
the Missouri, the Hidatsa people continue the struggle to balance
traditional culture, language, and values with the needs of late
26. In Goodbird, Goodbird the Indian, xxviii.
27. Maxidiwiac, Waheenee, 175-76.
twentieth-century life. There is much that Buffalo Bird Woman
would recognize. Contemporary Hidatsa culture is not the same as
the Plains village culture of the "old days," but how much of
any group's culture has remained unchanged over the last
two centuries? Buffalo Bird Woman's Garden is not the end,
but the beginning. It is a foundation, a viewpoint, and it
presents a cultural relationship with nature that we can all
appreciate and from which we can all derive benefit. This, above
all else, might be its most telling contribution. Jeffery R. Hanson
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Page xxii
I am an old woman now. The
buffaloes and black-tail deer are gone, and our Indian ways
arc almost gone. Sometimes I find it hard to believe that I
ever lived them.
Page xxiii
Page 1
Foreward
The Hidatsas, called Minitaris by the Mandans, are a Siouan linguistic tribe. Their language is closely akin to that of the Crows with whom they claim to have once formed a single tribe; a separation, it is said, followed a quarrel over a slain buffalo.
The name Hidatsa was formerly borne by one of the tribal villages. The other villages consolidated with it, and the name was adopted as that of the tribe. The name is said to mean "willows," and it was given the village because the god Itsikama'hidic promised that the villagers should become as numerous as the willows of the Missouri river.
Tradition says that the tribe came from Miniwakan, or Devils Lake, in what is now North Dakota; and that migrating west, they met the Mandans at the mouth of the Heart River. The two tribes formed an alliance and attempted to live together as one people. Quarrels between their young men caused the tribes to separate, but the Mandans loyally aided their friends to build new villages a few miles from their own. How long the two tribes dwelt at the mouth of the Heart is not known. They were found there with the Arikaras about 1765. In 1804 Lewis and Clark found the Hidatsas in three villages at the mouth of the Knife River, and the Man- dans in two villages a few miles lower down on the Missouri.
In 1832 the artist Catlin visited the two tribes, remaining with them several months. A year later Maximilian of Wied visited them with the artist Bodmer. Copies of Bodmer's sketches, in beautiful lithograph, are found in the library of the Minnesota Historical Society. Catlin's sketches, also in lithograph, are in the Minneapolis Public Library.
Smallpox nearly exterminated the Mandans in 1837-8, not more than 150 persons surviving. The same epidemic reduced the Hidatsas to about SW persons. The remnants of the two tribes united and in 1845 removed up the Missouri and built a village at Like-a-fishhook bend close to the trading post of Fort Berthold. They were joined by the Arikaras in 1862. Neighboring lands were set apart as a reservation for them; and there the three tribes, now settled on allotments, still dwell.
The Mandans and Hidatsas have much intermarried. By custom children speak usually the language of their mother, but understand perfectly the dialect of either tribe.
In 1877 Washington Matthews, for several years government
physician to the Fort Berthold Reservation Indians published a
short description of Hidatsa-Mandan culture and a grammar and vocabulary of the
Hi language.1 More extensive notes intended by him for
publication were destroyed by fire.
In 1902 the writer was called to the pastorate of the
Presbyterian church of Mandan, North Dakota. In ill health, he
was advised by his physician to purchase pony and gun and seek
the open; but spade and pick plied among the old Indian sites in
the vicinity proved more interesting. A considerable collection
of archaeological objects was accumulated, a part of which now
rests in the shelves of the Minnesota Historical Society; the
rest will shortly be placed in the collections of the American
Museum of Natural History.
In 1906 the writer and his brother, Frederick N. Wilson, an
artist, and E. R. Steinbrueck drove by wagon from Mandan to
Independence, Fort Berthold reservation. The trip was made to
obtain sketches for illustrating a volume of stories, since
published.2 At Independence the party made the
acquaintance of Edward Goodbird, his mother Maxi'diwiac, and the
latter's brother Wolf Chief. A friendship was thus begun which
has been of the greatest value to the writer of this paper.
A year later Mr. George G. Heye sent the writer to Fort
Berthold reservation to collect objects of Mandan-Hidatsa
culture. Among those that were obtained was a rare old medicine
shrine. Description of this shrine and Wolf Chief's story of its
origin have been published.3
In 1908 the writer and his brother, both now resident in
Minneapolis, were sent by Dr. Clark Wissler, curator of
anthropology, American Museum of Natural History, to begin
cultural studies among the Hidatsas. This work, generously
supported by the Museum, has been continued by the writer each
succeeding summer. His reports, preparations to edit which are
now being made, will appear in the Museum's publications.
In February, 1910, the writer was admitted as a student in the
Graduate School, University of Minnesota, majoring in
Anthropology. At suggestion of his adviser, Dr. Albert E. Jenks,
and with permission of Dr. Wissler, he chose for his thesis
subject, Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians: An Indian
Interpretation. It was the adviser's opinion that such a
study held promise of more than usual interest. Most of the
tribes in the eastern area of what is now the United States
practiced agriculture. It is well known that maize, potatoes,
pumpkins, squashes, beans, sweet potatoes, cotton, tobacco, and
other familiar plants were cultivated by Indians centuries before
Columbus. Early white settlers learned the value of the new
1. Washington Matthews, Ethnography and Philology of the
Hidatsa Indians. U. S. Geological Survey.
2. Gilbert L. Wilson, Myths of the Red Children. Ginn
and Company, 1907.
3. George H. Pepper and Gilbert L. Wilson, An Hidatsa
Shrine and the Beliefs Respecting It. Memoirs of the
American Anthropological Association, 1908.
food plants, but have left us meager accounts of the native
methods of tillage; and the Indians, driven from the fields of
their fathers, became roving hunters; or adopting iron tools,
forgot their primitive implements and methods. The Hidatsas and
Mandans, shut in their stockaded villages on the Missouri by the
hostile Sioux, were not able to abandon their fields if they
would. Living quite out of the main lines of railroad traffic,
they remained isolated and with culture almost unchanged until
about 1885, when their village at Fort Berthold was broken up. It
seemed probable that a carefully prepared account of Hidatsa
agriculture might very nearly describe the agriculture practiced
by our northern tribes in pre-Columbian days. It was hoped that
this thesis might be such an account.
But the writer is a student of anthropology; and his interest
in the preparation of his thesis could not be that of an
agriculturist. The question arose at the beginning of his labors,
Shall the materials of this thesis be presented as a study merely
in primitive agriculture, or as a phase of material culture
interpreting something of the inner life, of the soul, of an
Indian? It is the latter aim that the writer endeavors to
accomplish.
But again came up a question, By what plan may this best be
done? The more usual way would be to collect exhaustively facts
from available informants; sift from them those facts that are
typical and representative; and present these, properly grouped,
with the collector's interpretation of them. But for his purpose
and aim, it has seemed to the writer that the type choice should
be human; that is, instead of seeking typical facts from multiple
sources, he should rather seek a typical informant, a representa-
tive agriculturist--presumably a woman--of the Indian group to be
studied, and let the informant interpret her agricultural
experiences in her own way. We might thus expect to learn how
much one Indian woman knew of agriculture; what she did as an
agriculturist and what were her motives for doing; and what
proportion of her thought and labor were given to her fields.
After consulting both Indians and whites resident on the
reservation, the writer chose for typical or representative
informant, his interpreter's mother, Maxi'diwiac.
The writer's summer visit of 1912 to Fort Berthold Reservation
was planned to obtain material for his thesis. His brother again
accompanied him, and for the expenses of the trip a grant of $500
was made by Curator Wissler. This trip the writer will remember
as one of the pleasantest experiences of his life. The generous
interest of Dr. Jenks and Dr. Wissler in his plans was equaled by
the faithful cooperation of interpreter and informant. The writer
and his brother arrived at the reservation in the beginning of
corn harvest. As already stated, Maxi'diwiac was the principal
informant, and her account was taken down almost literally as
translated by Goodbird. Models of tools, drying stage, and other
objects per- taining to agriculture were made and photographed, and
sketched. Before the harvest closed notes were obtained which
furnished the material for the greater part of this thesis.
In the summers of 1913, 1914, and 1915, additional matter was
recovered. Previously written notes were read to Maxi'diwiac and
corrections made.
In addition to the museum's annual grant of $250, Dean A. F.
Woods, Department of Agriculture, University of Minnesota, in
1914 contributed $60 for photographing, and collecting specimens
of Hidatsa corn; and Mr. M. L. Wilson of the Agricultural
Experiment Station, Bozeman, Montana, obtained for the writer a
grant of $50 for like purposes.
A few words should now be said of informant and interpreter.
Maxidiwisc, or Buffalobird-woman, is a daughter of Small Ankle, a
leader of the Hidatsas in the trying time of the tribe's removal
to what is now Fort Berthold reservation. She was born on one of
the villages at Knife River two years after the "smallpox year,"
or about 1839. She is a conservative and sighs for the good old
times, yet is aware that the younger generation of Indians must
adopt civilized ways. Ignorant of English, she has a quick
intelligence and a memory that is marvelous. To her patience and
loyal interest is chiefly due whatever of value is in this
thesis. In the sweltering heat of an August day she has continued
dictation for nine hours, lying down but never flagging in her
account, when too weary to sit longer in a chair. Goodbird's
testimony that his mother "knows more about old ways of raising
corn and squashes -than any one else on this reservation," is not
without probability. Until recently, a small part of Goodbird's
plowed field was each year reserved for her, that she might plant
corn and beans and squashes, cultivating them in old fashioned
way, by hoe. Such corn, of her own planting and selection, has
taken first prize at an agricultural fair, held recently by the
reservation authorities.
Edward Goodbird, or Tsakalmsoldc, the writer's interpreter, is
a son of Maxildiwiac, born about November, 1869. Goodbird was one
of the first of the reservation children to be sent to the
mission school; and he is now native pastor of the Congregational
chapel at Independence. He speaks the Hidatsa, Mandan, Dakota.
and English languages. Goodbird is a natural student; and he has
the rarer gift of being an artist. His sketches--and they are
many---are crude; but they are drawn in true perspective and do
not lack spirit. Goodbird's life, dictated by himself, how been
recently published.4
Indians have the gentle custom of adopting very dear friends
by relationship terms. By such adoption Goodbird is the writer's
brother; Maxi'diwiac is his mother.
4. Gilbert L. Wilson, Goodbird, the Indian: His Story.
Fleming H. Revell Co. 1914 For his part in the account of the Agriculture of the
Hidatsa Indians, the writer claims no credit beyond
arranging the material and putting the interpreter's
Indian-English translations into proper idiom. Bits of Indian
philosophy and shrewd or humorous observations found in the
narrative are not the writer's, but the informant's, and are
as they fell from her lips. The writer has sincerely
endeavored to add to the narrative essentially nothing of his
own.
Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians is not, then, an
account merely of Indian agriculture. It is an Indian woman's
interpretation of economics; the thoughts she gave to her fields;
the philosophy of her labors. May the Indian woman's story of her
toil be a plea for our better appreciation of her race.
Page
2
Page 3
Page 4
Page 5
Page 6
We Hidatsas believe that our tribe once lived under the waters of Devils Lake. Some hunters discovered the root of a vine growing downward; and climbing it, they found themselves on the surface of the earth. Others. followed them, until half the tribe had escaped; but the vine broke under the weight of a pregnant woman, leaving the rest prisoners. A part of our tribe are therefore still beneath the lake.
My father, Small Ankle, going, when a young man, on a war party, visited Devils Lake. "Beneath the waves," he said, "I heard a faint drumming, as of drums in a big dance." This story is true; for Sioux, who now live at Devils Lake, have also beard this drumming.
Those of my people who escaped from the lake built villages near by. These were of earth lodges, such as my tribe built until very recent years; two such earth lodges are still standing on this reservation.
The site where an earth lodge has stood is marked by an earthen ring, rising about what was once the hard trampled floor. There are many such earthen rings on the shores of Devils Lake, showing that, as tradition says, our villages stood there. There were three of these villages, my father said, who several times visited the sites.
Near their villages, the people made gardens; and in these they planted ground beans and wild potatoes, from seed brought with them from their home under the water. These vegetables we do not cultivate now; but we do gather them in the fall, in the woods along the Missouri where they grow wild. They are good eating.
These gardens by Devils Lake I think must have been rather small. I know that in later times, whenever my tribe removed up the Missouri to build a new village, our fields, the first year, were quite small; for clearing the wooded bottom land was hard work. A family usually added to their clearing each year, until their garden was as large as they cared to cultivate.
As yet, my people knew nothing of corn or squashes. One day a war Party, I think of ten men, wandered west to the Missouri River. They saw on the other side a village of earth lodges like their own. It wag I it village of the Mandans. The villagers saw the Hidatsas, but like them, feared to cross over, lest the strangers prove to be enemies.
It was autumn, and the Missouri River was running low so that
an arrow could be shot from shore to shore. The Mandans parched
some ears Of ripe corn with the grain on the cob; they broke the
ears in pieces, thrust the Pieces on the points of arrows, and
shot them across the river. "Eat!" they said, whether by voice or
signs, I do not know. The word for "eat" is the same in the
Hidatsa and Mandan languages. The warriors ate of the parched corn, and liked it. They
returned to their village and said, "We have found a people
living by the Missouri River who have a strange kind of grain,
which we ate and found good!" The tribe was not much interested
and made no effort to seek the Mandans, fearing, besides, that
they might not be friendly.
However, a few years after, a war party of the Hidatsas
crossed the Missouri and visited the Mandans at their village
near Bird Beak Hill. The Mandan chief took an ear of yellow corn,
broke it in two, and gave half to the Hidatsas. This half-ear the
Hidatsas took home, for seed; and soon every family was planting
yellow corn.
I think that seed of other varieties of corn, and of beans,
squashes, and sunflowers, were gotten of the Mandans1
afterwards; but there is no story telling of this, that I know.
I do not know when my people stopped planting ground beans and
wild potatoes; but ground beans are hard to dig, and the people,
anyway, liked the new kind of beans better.
Whether the ground beans and wild potatoes of the Missouri
bottoms are descended from the seed planted by the villagers at
Devils Lake, I do not know.
My tribe, as our old men tell us, after they got corn,
abandoned their villages at Devils Lake, and joined the Mandans
near the mouth of the Heart River. The Mandans helped them build
new villages here, near their own. I think this was hundreds of
years ago.
Firewood growing scarce, the two tribes removed up the
Missouri to the mouth of the Knife River, where they built the
Five Villages, as they called them. Smallpox was brought to my
people here, by traders. In a single year, more than half my
tribe died, and of the Mandans, even more.
Those who survived removed up the Missouri and built a village
at Like-a-fishhook bend, where they lived together, Hidatsas and
Mandans, as one tribe. This village we Hidatsas called
Mu'a-idu'skupe-hi'cec, or
1. "In the garden vegetable family are five; corn. beans.
squashes, sunflowers, and tobacco. The seeds of an these plants
were brought up from beneath the ground by the Mandan people.
Like-a-fishhook village, after the bend on which it stood;
but white men called it Fort Berthold, from a trading post that
was there.
We lived in Like-a-fishhook village about forty years, or
until 1885, when the government began to place families on
allotments.
The agriculture of the Hidatsas, as I now describe it, I saw
practiced in the gardens of Like-a-fishhook village, in my
girlhood, before my tribe owned plows.
Page 7
"Now the corn, as we believe. has an enemy-the sun who
tries to burn the corn. But at night, when the sun has gone down,
the corn has magic power. It is the corn that brings the night
moistures-the early morning mist and fog, and the dew--as you can
we yourself in the morning from the water dripping from the corn
leaves. Thus the corn grows and keeps on until it is ripe.
"The sun may scorch the corn and try hard to dry it up,
but the core takes care of itself. bringing the moistures that
make the corn. and also the beans. sunflowers. squashes. and
tobacco grow.
"The corn possesses all this magic power.
"When you white people met our Mandan people we gave to
the whites the name Macil, or Waci', -caning nice people. or
pretty people. We called them by this name because they had white
faces and wore fine clothes. We said also "We will call these
people our friends!" And from that time to this we have never
made war on white men.
"Our Mandan corn must now be all over the world, for we
gave the white men our seeds. And so it seems we Mandans have
helped every people. But the seed of our varieties of corn were
originally ours.
We know that white men must also have had corn seed, for
their corn is different from ours. But all we older folk can tell
our native corn from that of white men."-WOUNDED FACE (Mandan)
Page
Page 9
Turtle
My great-grandmother, as white men count their kin, was named Ata'kic, or Soft-white Corn. She adopted a daughter, Matatic, or Turtle. Some years after, a daughter was born to Ata'kic, whom she named Otter.
Turtle and Otter both married. Turtle had a daughter named Icalwikec, or Corn Sucker;1 and Otter had three daughters, Want-to-be-a-woman, Red Blossom, and Strikes-many-women, all younger than Corn Sucker.
The smallpox year at Five Villages left Otter's family with no male Members to support them. Turtle and her daughter were then living in Otter's lodge; and Otter's daughters, as Indian custom bade, called Corn Sucker their elder sister.
It was a custom of the Hidatsas, that if the eldest sister of a household, married, her younger sisters were also given to her husband, as they came of marriageable age. Left without male kin by the smallpox, my grandmother's family was hard put to it to get meat; and Turtle gladly gave her daughter to my father, Small Ankle, whom she knew to be a good hunter. Otter's daughters, reckoned as Corn Sucker's sisters, were given to Small Ankle as they grew up; the eldest, Want-to-be-a-woman, was my mother.
When I was four years old, my tribe and the Mandans came to Like-a-fishhook bend. They came in the spring and camped in tepees, or skin tents. By Butterfly's winter count, I know they began building earth lodges the next winter. I was too young to remember much of this.
Two years after we came to Like-a-fishhook bend, smallpox again visited my tribe; and my mother, Want-to-be-a-woman, and Corn Sucker, died of it. Red Blossom and Strikes-many-women survived, whom I now called my mothers. Otter and old Turtle lived with us; I was taught to call them my grandmothers.
Soon After they came to Like-a-fishhook bend, the families of my tribe began to clear fields, for gardens, like those they had at Five Villages. Rich black soil was to be found in the timbered bottom lands of the Missouri. Most of the work of clearing was done by the women.
In old times we Hidatsas never made our gardens on the untimbered, prairie land, the soil there is too hard and dry. In the bottom lands by the Missouri, the soil is soft and easy to work.
1. Corn sucker, i.e., the extra shoot or stem that often springs up from the base of the maize plant
My mothers and my two
grandmothers worked at
clearing our family's garden. It
lay east of the
Lone village at a place where
many other families were
clearing fields.
I was too small to note very much at first. But I remember that my father set boundary marks--whether wooden stakes or little mounds of earth or stones, I do not now remember--at the corners of the field we claimed. My mothers and my two grandmothers began at one end of this field and worked forward. All had heavy iron hoes, except Turtle, who used an old fashioned wooden digging stick.
With their hoes, my mothers cut the long grass that covered much of the field, and bore it off the line, to be burned. With the same implements, they next dug and softened the soil in places for the corn hills, which were laid off in rows. These hills they planted. Then all summer they worked with their hoes, clearing and breaking the ground between the hills.
Trees and bushes I know must have been cut off with iron axes; but I remember little of this, because I was only four years old when the clearing was begun.
I have heard that in very old times, when clearing a new field, my people first dug the corn hills with digging sticks; and afterwards, like my mothers, worked between the hills, with bone hoes. My father told me this.
Whether stone axes were used in old times to cut the trees and undergrowths, I do not know. I think fields were never then laid out on ground that had large trees on it.
About two years after the first ground was broken in our field, a dispute I remember, arose between my mothers and two of their neighbors, Lone Woman and Goes-to-next-timber.
These two women were clearing fields adjoining that of my
mothers; as will be seen by the accompanying map (figure 1), the
three fields met at a corner. I have said that my father, to set
up claim to his field, had
placed marks, one of the "in the comer which met the fields of
Lone Woman and Goes-to-next-timber; but while my mothers were
busy clearing and digging up the other end of their field, their
two neighbors invaded this marked-off comer; Lone Woman had even
dug up a small part before she was discovered.
However, when they were shown the mark my father had placed,
the two women yielded and accepted payment for any rights they
might have.
It was our Indian rule to keep our fields very sacred. We did
not like to quarrel about our garden lands. One's title to a
field once set up, no one ever thought of disputing it; for if
one were selfish and quarrelsome, and tried to seize land
belonging to another, we thought some evil would come upon him,
as that some one of his family would die. There is a story of a
black bear who got into a pit that was not his own, and had his
mind taken away from him. for doing so!
Page 11
Lone Woman and Goes-to-next-timber having withdrawn, my grand- mother, Turtle, volunteered to break the soil of the comer that had been in dispute. She was an industrious woman. Often, when my mothers were busy in the earth lodge, she would go out to work in the garden, taking me with her for company. I was six years old then, I think, quite too little to help her any, but I liked to watch my grandmother work.
With her digging stick, she dug up a little round place in the center of the corner (figure 1); and circling around this from day to day, she gradually enlarged the dug-up space. The point of her digging stick she forced into the soft earth to a depth equal to the length of my hand, and pried up the soil. The clods she struck smartly with her digging stick, sometimes with one end, sometimes with the other. Roots of coarse grass, weeds, small brush and the like, she took in her hand and shook, or struck them against the ground, to knock off the loose earth clinging to them; she then cast them into a little pile to dry.
In this way she accumulated little piles, scattered rather irregularly over the dug-up ground, averaging, perhaps, four feet, one from the other. In a few days the little piles had dried, and Turtle gathered them up into a heap, about four feet high, and burned them, sometimes within the cleared ground, sometimes a little way outside.
In the corner that had been in dispute, and in other parts of
the field, my grandmother worked all summer. I do not remember
how big our garden was at the end of the summer's work, nor how
many piles of roots she burned; but I remember distinctly how she
put the roots of weeds and grass and brush into little piles to
dry, which she then gathered into heaps and burned. She did not
attempt to burn over the whole ground. only the heaps.
Afterwards, we increased our garden from year to year until it
was as large as we needed. I remember seeing my grandmother
digging along the edges of the garden with her digging stick, to
enlarge the field and make the edges even and straight.
I remember also, that as Turtle dug up a little space, she
would wait until the next season to plant it. Thus, additional
ground dug up in the summer or W would be planted by her the next
spring.
There were two or three elm trees in the garden; these my
grandmother left standing.
It must not be supposed that upon Turtle fell all the work of
clearing land to enlarge our garden; but she liked to have me with her when she worked, an I remember best what I saw her do. As I was a little girl then, I have forgotten much that she did; but this that I have told, I remember distinctly.
Page 12

In breaking ground for our garden, Turtle always used an ash digging stick (figure 2); and when hoeing time came, she hoed the corn with a bone hoe (figure 3). Digging sticks are still used in my tribe for digging wild turnips; but even in my grandmother's lifetime, digging sticks and bone hoes as garden tools had all but given place to iron hoes and axes.
My grandmother was one of the last women of my tribe to cling
to these old fashioned implements. Two other women, I remember,
owned bone hoes when I was a little girl; but Turtle, I think,
was the very last one in the tribe who actually worked m her
garden with one.
This hoe my grandmother kept in the lodge, under her bed; and
when any of the children of the household tried to get it out to
look at it, she would cry, "Let that hoe alone; you will break
it!"
Page 13
As I grew up, I learned to work in the garden, as every Hidatsa woman was expected to learn; but iron axes and hoes, bought of the traders, were now used by everybody, and the work of clearing and breaking a new field was less difficult than it had been in our grandfathers' times. A family had also greater freedom in choosing where they should have their garden, since with iron axes they could more easily cut down any small trees and bushes that might be on the land. However, to avoid having to cut down big trees, a rather open place was usually chosen.
A family, then, having chosen a place for a field, cleared off the ground as much as they could, cutting down small trees and bushes in such way that the trees fell all in one direction. Some of the timber that was fit might be taken home for firewood; the rest was let lie to dry until spring, when it was fired. The object of felling the trees in one direction was to make them cover the ground as much as possible, since firing them softened the soil and left it loose and mellow for planting. We sought always to burn over all the ground, if we could.
Before firing, the family carefully raked off the dry grass and leaves from the edge of the field, and cut down any brush wood. This was done that the fire might not spread to the surrounding timber, nor out on the prairie. Prairie fires and forest fires are even yet not unknown on our reservation.
Planting season having come, the women of the household planted the field in corn. The hills were in rows, and about four feet or a little less apart. They were rather irregularly placed the first year. It was easy to make a hill in the-ashes where a brush heap had been fired, or in soil that was free of roots and stumps; but there were many stumps in the field, left over from the previous summer's clearing. If the planter found a stump stood where a hill should be, she placed the hill on this side the stump or beyond it, no matter how close this brought the hill to the next in the row. Thus, the corn hills did not stand at even distances in the row the first year; but the rows were always kept even and straight.
While the corn was coming up, the women worked at clearing out the roots and smaller stumps between the hills; but a stump of any considerable size was left to rot, especially if it stood midway between two corn hills, where it did not interfere with their cultivation.
My mothers and I used to labor in a similar way to enlarge our
fields. With our iron hoes we made hills along the edge of the
field and planted corn; then, as we had opportunity, we worked with our hoes
between the corn hills to loosen up the soil.
Page
14

Although our tribe now had iron axes and hoes from the
traders, they still used their native made rakes. These were of
wood (figure 4), or of the antler of a black-tailed deer (figure
5). It was with such rakes that the edges of a newly opened field
were cleaned of leaves for the firing of the brush, in the
spring.
Page 15
Trees were not left standing in the garden, except perhaps one to shade the watchers' stage. If a tree stood in the field, it shaded the corn; and that on the north side of the tree never grew up strong, and the stalks would be yellow.
Cottonwood trees were apt to grow up in the field, unless the young shoots were plucked up as they appeared.
The field which Turtle helped to clear, lay, I have said, east of the village. I was about nineteen years old, I think, when my mothers determined to clear ground for a second field, west of the village.
There were five of us who undertook the work, my father, my two mothers, Red Blossom and Strikes-many-women, my sister, Cold Medicine, and myself. We began in the fall, after harvesting the corn from our east garden, so that we had leisure for the work; we had been too busy to begin earlier in the season.
We chose a place down in the bottoms, overgrown with willows; and with our axes we cut the willows close to the ground, letting them lie as they fell.
I do not know how many days we worked; but we stopped when we had cleared a field of about seventy-five by one hundred yards, perhaps. In our east, or yellow corn field, we counted nine rows of corn to one na'xu; and I remember that when we came to plant our new field, it had nine na'xu.
The next spring my father, his two wives, my sister and I went out and burned the felled willows and brush which the spring sun had dried. We did not bum them every -day; only when the weather was fine. We would go out after breakfast, burn until tired of the work, and come home.
We sought to bum over the whole field, for we knew that this left a good, loose soil. We did not pile the willows in heaps, but loosened them from the ground or scattered them loosely but evenly over the soil. In some places the ground was quite bare of willows; but we collected dry grass and weeds and dead willows, and strewed them over these bare places, so that the fire would run over the whole area of the field.
It took us about four days to bum over the field.
It was well known in my tribe that burning over new ground
left the soil soft and easy to work, and for this reason we
thought it a wise thing to do.
Page 16
This that I am going to tell you of the planting and harvesting of our crops is out of my own experience, seen with my own eyes. In olden times, I know, my tribe used digging sticks and bone hoes for garden tools; and I have described how I saw my grandmother use them. There may be other tools or garden customs once in use in my tribe, and now forgotten; of them I cannot speak. There were families in Like-a-fishhook village less industrious than ours, and some families may have tilled their fields in ways a little different; of them, also, I can not speak. This that I now tell is as I saw my mothers do, or did myself, when I was young. My mothers were industrious women, and our family had always good crops; and I will tell now how the women of my father's family cared for their fields, as I saw them, and helped them.
The fint seed that we planted in the spring was sunflower seed. Ice breaks on the Missouri about the first week in April; and we planted sunflower seed as soon after as the soil could be worked. Our native name for the lunar month that corresponds most nearly to April, is Mapi'-o'ce-mi'di, or Sunflower-planting-moon.
Planting was done by hoe, or the woman scooped up the soil with her hands. Three seeds were planted in a hill, at the depth of the second joint of a woman's finger. The three seeds were planted together, pressed into the loose soil by a single motion, with thumb and first two fingers. The hill was heaped up and patted firm with the palm in the same way as we did for forn.
Usually we planted sunflowers only around the edges of a field. The hills were placed eight or nine paces apart; for we never sowed sunflowers thickly. We thought a field surrounded thus by a sparce-sown row of sunflowers, had a handsome appearance.
Sometimes all three seeds sprouted and came up together, sometimes only two sprouted; sometimes one.
Of cultivated sunflowers we had several varieties, black,
white, red, striped, named from the color of the seed. The
varieties differed only in color; and had the same taste and
smell, and were treated alike in cooking.
White sunflower seed when pounded into meat turned dark, but I
think this was caused by the parching.
Each family raised the variety they preferred. The varieties
were well fixed; black seed produced black; white seed, white.
Page 17
Although our sunflower seed was the first crop to be planted in the spring, it was the last to be harvested in the fall.
For harvesting, we reckoned two kinds of flowers, or heads.
A stalk springing from seed of one of our cultivated varieties had one, sometimes two, or even three larger heads, heavy and full, bending the top of the stalk with their weight of seed. Some of these big heads had each a seed area as much as eleven inches across; and yielded each an even double handful of seed. We called the seed from these big heads mapi'-i'ti'a from mapi', sunflower, or sunflower seed, and i'ti'a, big.
Besides these larger heads, there were other and smaller heads on the stalk; and wild sunflowers bearing similar small heads grew in many places along the Missouri, and were sure to be found springing up in abandoned gardens. These smaller heads of the cultivated, and the heads of the wild, .plants, were never more than five inches across; and these and their seed we called mapi'-naka, sunflower's child or baby sunflower.
Our sunflowers were ready for harvesting when the little petals that covered the seeds fell off, exposing the ripe seeds beneath. Also, the back of the head turned yellow; earlier in the season it would be green.
To harvest the larger heads, I put a basket on my back, and knife in band, passed from plant to plant, cutting off each large head close to the stem; the severed heads I tossed into my basket. These heads I did not let dry on the stalk, as birds would devour the seeds.
My basket filled, I returned to the lodge, climbed the ladder to the; roof, and spread the sunflower heads upon the flat part of the roof around the smoke hole, to dry. The heads were laid face downward, with the backs to the sun. When I was a girl, only three or four earth lodges in the village had peaked roofs; and these lodges were rather small. All the larger and better lodges, those of what we deemed wealthier families, w built with the top of the roof flat, like a floor. A flat roof was useful to things on; and when the weather was fair, the men often sat there an gossiped.
The sunflower heads were dried face downward, that the run
falling 0 the back of the head might dry and shrink the fiber,
thus loosening the seeds.
The heads were laid flat on the bare roof, without skins or
other protection beneath. If a storm threatened, the unthreshed
heads were gathered u and home into the lodge; but they were
left on the roof overnight, if the weather was fair.
When the heads had dried about four days, the seeds were
threshed out; and I would fetch in from the garden another
supply of heads to dry
and thresh.
Page 18
To thresh the heads, a skin was spread and the heads laid on it face downward, and beaten with a stick. Threshing might be on the ground, or on the flat roof, as might be convenient.
An average threshing filled a good sized basket, with enough seed left to make a small package.
The smaller heads of the cultivated plants were sometimes gathered, dried, and threshed, as were the larger heads; but if the season was getting late and frost had fallen, and the seeds were getting loose in their pods, I more often threshed these smaller heads and those of the wild plants directly from the stalk.
For this I bore a carrying basket, swinging it around over my breast instead of my back; and going about the garden or into the places where the wild plants grew, I held the basket under these smaller, or baby sunflower heads, and beating them smartly with a stick, threshed the seeds into the basket. It took me about half a day to thresh a basket half fun. The seeds I took home to dr3r, before sacking them.
The seeds from the baby sunflowers of both wild and cultivated plants were sacked together. The seeds of the large heads were sacked separately; and in the spring, when we came to plant, our seed was always taken from the sack containing the harvest of the larger heads.
In my father's family, we usually stored away two, sometimes three sacks of dried sunflower seed for winter use. Sacks were made of skins, perhaps fourteen inches high and eight inches in diameter, on an average.
Sunflower harvest came after we had threshed our corn; and corn threshing was in the first part of October.
Because they were gathered later, the seeds of baby sunflowers were looked upon as a kind of second crop; and as I have said, they were kept apart from the earlier harvest, because seed for planting was selected from the larger and earlier gathered heads. Gathered thus late, this second crop was nearly always touched by the frost, even before the seeds were threshed from the stalics.
This frosting of the seeds had an effect upon them that we
rather esteemed. We made a kind of oily meal from sunflower seed,
by pounding
them in a corn mortar; but meal made from seed that had
been frosted, seemed more oily than that from seed gathered
before frost fell. The freezing of the seeds seemed to bring the
oil out of the crushed kernels.
This was well known to us. The large heads, left on the roof
over night, were sometimes caught by the frost; and meal made
from their seed was more oily than that from unfrosted seed.
Sometimes we took the threshed seed. out of doors and let it
get frosted, so as to bring out this oiliness. Frosting the
seeds did not kill them.
The oiliness brought out by the frosting was more apparent in
the seeds of baby sunflowers than in seeds of the larger heads.
Seeds of the latter seemed never to have as much oil in them as
seeds of the baby sunflowers.
Page 19
To make sunflower meal the seeds were first roasted, or parched. This was done in a clay pot, for iron pots were scarce in my tribe when I was young. The clay pot in use in my father's family was about a foot high and eight or nine inches in diameter, as you see from measurements I make with my hands.
This pot I set on the lodge fire, working it down into the coals with a rocking motion, and raked coals around it; the mouth I tipped slightly toward me. I threw into the pot two or three double-handfuls of the seeds and as they parched, I stirred them with a little stick, to keep them from burning. Now and then I took out a seed and bit it; if the kernel was soft and gummy, I knew the parching was not done; but when it bit dry and crisp, I knew the seeds were cooked and I dipped them out with a horn. spoon into a wooden bowl.
Again I threw into the pot two or three double-handfuls of seed to parch; and so, until I had enough.
As the pot grew quite hot I was careful not to touch it with my hands. The parching done, I lifted the pot out, first throwing over it a piece of old tent cover to protect my two hands.
Parching the seeds caused them to crack open somewhat.
The parched seeds were pounded in the corn mortar to make meal. Pounding sunflower seeds took longer, and was harder work, than pounding Corn.
Sunflower meal was used in making a dish that we called do'patsa-mahiki'ke, or four-vegetables-mixed; from do'patsa, four things; and Makihi'ke, mixed or put together. Four-vegetables-mixed we thought our very best dish.
To make this dish, enough for a family of five, I did as
follows:
I put a clay pot with water on the fire.
Into the pot I threw one double-handful of beans. This was a
fixed quantity; I put in just one double-handful whether the
family to be served was large or small; for a larger quantity of
beans in this dish was apt to make gas on one's stomach.
When we dried squash in the fall we strung the slices upon
strings of twisted grass, each seven Indian fathoms long; an
Indian fathom is the distance between a woman's two hands
outstretched on either side. From one of these seven-fathom
strings I cut a piece as long as from my elbow to the tip of my
thumb; the two ends of the severed piece I tied together, making
a ring; and this I dropped into the pot with the beans.
When the squash slices were well cooked I lifted them out of
the pot by the grass string into a wooden bowl. With a horn spoon
I chopped and mashed the cooked squash slices into a mass, which
I now returned to the pot with the beans. The grass string I
threw away.
Page 20

To the mess I now added four or five double-handfuls of mixed meal, of pounded parched sunflower seed and pounded parched corn. The whole was boiled for a few minutes more, and was ready for serving.
I have already told how we parched sunflower seed; and that I used two or three double-handfuls of seed to a parching. I used two parchings of sunflower seed for one mess of four-vegetables-mixed. I also used two parchings of corn; but I put more corn into the W. at a parching than I did of sunflower seed.
Pounding the parched corn and sunflower seed reduced their bulk so that the four parchings, two of sunflower seed and two of corn, made but four or five double-handfuls of the mixed meal.
Four-vegetables-mixed was eaten freshly cooked; and the mixed
corn-and-sunflower meal was made fresh for it each time. A little
alkali salt might be added for seasoning, but even this was not
usual. No other seasoning was used. Meat was not boiled with the
mess, as the sunflower seed gave sufficient oil to furnish fat.
Four-vegetables-mixed was a winter food; and the squash
used in its making was dried, sliced squash, never green, fresh
squash.
The clay pot used for boiling this and other dishes was about
the size of an iron dinner pot, or even larger. For a large
family, the pot might be as much as thirteen or fourteen inches
high. I have describe that in use in my father's family.
When a mess of four-vegetables-mixed was cooked, I did not
remove the pot from the coals, but dipped out the vegetables with
a mountainsheep horn spoon, into wooden bowls (figure 6.)
Page 21
Sunflower meal of the parched seeds was also used to make sunflower seed balls; these were important articles of diet in olden times, and had a particular use.
For sunflower-seed balls I parched the seeds in a pot in the usual way put them in a corn mortar and pounded them. When they were reduced to a fine meal I reached into the mortar and took out a handful of the meal, squeezing it in the fingers and palm of my right hand. This squeezing it made it into a kind of lump or ball.
This ball I enclosed in the two palms and gently shook it. The shaking brought out the oil of the seeds, cementing the particles of the meal and making the lump firm. I have said that frosted seeds gave out more oil than unfrosted; and that baby sunflower seeds gave out more oil than seeds from the big heads.
In olden times every warrior carried a bag of soft skin at his left side, supported by a thong over his right shoulder; in this bag he kept needles, sinews, awl, soft tanned skin for making patches for moccasins, gun caps, and the like. The warrior's powder horn hung on the outside of this bag.
In the bottom of this soft-skin bag the warrior commonly carried one of these sunflower-seed balls, wrapped in a piece of buffalo-heart skin. When worn with fatigue or overcome with sleep and weariness, the warrior took out his sunflower-seed ball, and nibbled at it to refresh himself. It was amazing what effect nibbling at the sunflower-seed ball had. If the warrior was weary, he began to feel fresh again; if sleepy, he grew wakeful.
Sometimes the warrior kept his sunflower-seed ball in his flint case that hung always at his belt over his right hip.
It was quite a general custom in my tribe for a warrior or hunter to carry one of these sunflower-seed balls.
We called the sunflower-seed ball mapi', the same name as for sunflower
Sunflower meal, parched and pounded as described, was often mixed with corn balls, to which it gave an agreeable smell, as well as a pleasant taste.