Since the publication of these theories, an overwhelming literature has developed on the subject of forager survival and habitation of the tropical rain forest environments. The majority of this literature has attacked the Headland and Bailey 'Green Desert' hypothesis (see, e.g. Bahuchet, 1993; Brosius, 1991; Dentan, 1991; Endicott & Bellwood, 1991; Langub, 1996; Ulijaszek & Poraituk, 1993). Although these attacks on the theory have incorporated overwhelming data, and have come from a variety of disciplines - in many cases from scholars with far greater intimacy with present-day foraging societies than either Headland or Bailey claim to have - neither have renounced their theory. Posited originally as a theory to overturn a supposedly mis- conceived popular belief about the rain forest - that it was an environment of great abundance for human foragers - the green desert hypothesis went on to spark a serious debate over a number of other important issues which Headland and Bailey had touched upon only indirectly in their initial writings.

This essay does not attempt a complete summary or review of the literature on this debate. Instead, it examines some of the critical presumptions which are at the core of both Headland and Bailey's original theses (see Headland and Bailey, 1991). Rather than attempting to refute the theory by way of the available evidence, I take the theory's refutation as irrelevant to serious study of the issues it presents - less because of visible evidence presented in the theory's own terms, but rather due to the insupportability of those terms themselves. I will focus attention on how Headland and Bailey posed their original question in such a way as to frame the debate in terms which- although they did not prevent the effective refutation of their hypothesis-provided it with a dysfunctional vocabulary which obscured the important issues raised by the discourse. Specifically, I will critique their dedication to a generalized vision of what 'foragers' do and how they do it, in the face of a inconvieniently varied spectrum of activities which humans perform to stay alive without horticulture. More significantly, I will examine their crutial dependance on the chimera of rainforests which have not been modified by humans. This essay will attempt to demonstrate why these issues are more than definitional in nature, but rather locked the academy into the debate as to whether foragers can live in the rain forest without trade, at the expense of an investigation into the underlying issue: how foragers overcome (and have overcome) difficult environmental circumstances without a reliance on agricultural products.

I will focus on the example of the Penan (in some regions called the Punan) foragers of Eastern Malaysia (Sabah, or Malaysian Borneo) (see Hoffman, 1986; Needham, 1954; Rousseau, 1990). These groups of hunter / gatherers have been chosen because they highlight many of the mis-conceptions inherent to the Headland / Bailey hypothesis, and because they may provide the only extant example of a forager group living in the rain- forest independent of food-related trade with agriculturalists (Brosius, 1991. cf. Headland, 1997). The focus of Penan gathering activity is a "sago" palm tree (i.e. Eugeissona utilis - "true sago") which is common throughout Borneo, peninsular Malaysia, and, to a lesser extent, the Indonesian and Melanesian archipelagoes (see Dentan, 1991). It is also the primary subsistence 'crop' of many Papua New Guinean horticulturalists (Strauss, 1962). The term "sago" is primarily used to refer to the edible pulp contained-in varying amounts-in the trunks of a variety of Asian / Pacific palm species, and therefore the term "sago palm" can refer to any of these.

I will supplement my analysis of the Headland / Bailey related issues by advocating the broadening of food acquisition theory, based on the example of the processing and consumption of sago palms, which I will argue to be an energy intensive, yet high-yielding operation which does not easily fit into the forager mold. The larger point I attempt to make is that revisionist approaches to earlier theoretical 'misconceptions' frequently rely on artificially rigid versions of the theories being debunked, as well as over-generalizations of their own discoveries, leading to the propagation of theories at least as na‹ve as their predecessors. The revisionist tool box is surely full of useful, and presently indispensable, items-historical analysis, for one-but would be put to better use in constructively building a greater-if less theoretically pristine- understanding of human ecology, rather than as a soap-box upon which to trash the past.

Why Do The Penan Violate The Green Desert Hypothesis?

Headland and Bailey believe that starch could be the limiting factor for humans in tropical rain forest - Headland comes down firmly on the starch issue by hypothesizing that wild yams are the only real way to acquire starches in tropical forests (1987, 1991), while Bailey et al. (1989) take a more generalized calorie-deficiency approach, arguing that calorie rich fats are also in short supply in the rain forest, and that seasonality would render certain times of year unlivable for without access to agricultural products. Since starch must be converted into sugar before it can be disgested by the human body, it can not be considered the primary unit of analysis in assessing edible rain forest calories, since several other sources of sugar (such as fruit and honey) may also be available to fill or supplement the same dietary niche. However, because carbohydrate-rich plant species such as wild yams frequently constitute a primary source of calories for many forager groups, allowing them to pursue riskier but more nutritious food sources such as game animals, edible starch can be useful as an object of study (see Headland's (1987) original "wild yam question"). Due to a lack of archaeological evidence in most forager groups (see, e.g. Rambo 1984), the hypothesis is argued in primarily theoretical terms (i.e. 'could it happen?', rather than 'did it happen?'), and in reference to present-day foraging societies.

No one disputes that the rain forest is home to great bio- mass, energy, and nutrients - the issue lies in their accessibility to humans. "_most of the energy in a tropical rain forest exists in the form of inedible woody tissue" note Bailey et al., "The intense competition for light and ground space selects for plants that invest most of their energy in structural support and maintenance (Golley 1975)" (1989: 61, my italics). They continue:

Very little energy goes into reproductive parts such as flowers, fruits, and seeds, the very parts that are usually the most edible for human foragers and many of their prey species. The great majority of energy available for human consumption is above ground, often high in the canopy, where it is hard to reach. Moreover, in most tropical rain forests the species with edible parts are widely dispersed in both space and time; costs of travel between plant food sources tend to be high. This, combined with the difficulty of processing seeds and fruits that often have hard protective outer coatings, or tubers entailing considerable digging and preparation, tends to make foraging and handling costs of vegetable foods in tropical rain forests relatively high. (p. 61)

Given the truth of all these statements, such costs would indeed be quite high, however, there are a number of factors which Bailey et al. did not take into account (see also Dentan, 1993, for factors additional to the ones I discuss). Principal among these are the sago palms (Metroxylon rumphii and Metroxylon sagu), which, along with many of their relatives (including Eugeissona utilis), contain generous amounts of edible starch, and exist in various tropical, South East Asian rain forests, including those occupied by the Penan and Punan of Malaysia (Strauss, 1962; Corner, 1966; Brosius, 1991). Sago, which is most extensively exploited and studied in Papua New Guinea, is perhaps unique in the way it gets around virtually all of the Headland / Bailey suppositions regarding rain forest flora.

1. The edible starch of the sago palm exists in the trees' trunks, where "inedible woody tissue" might conventionally reside.
2. Mature Eugeissona trees are generally over 30 feet (approx. 9 meters) tall, and some species of sago palms (e.g. Corypha umbraculifera) can reach seventy feet. They are able to compete for light in climax rain forest, although they are more common along rivers, in ecotones and disturbed areas (this matter will be addressed shortly). The energy invested by the plant in its "structural support and maintenance" is the very energy harvested by foragers (see Corner, 1966; Cobley 1956).
3. Although the sago palm does grow above ground, and high into the canopy, it is eminently reachable by way of an axe, which can fell a mature tree in minutes (a mean of 6.5 minutes, according to Ulijaszek and Poraituk's (1993) study ).
4. Sago is not widely disbursed in either space or time - its locations of abundance are predictable and in those locations its density is generally high; as the German anthropologist Hermann Strauss observed in New Guinea, "Unlike, for example, yams and taro, which require continual horticultural attention, sago takes care of itself; to the Arapesh it symbolizes natural abundance and self-sufficiency" (1962, my translation). As a 'large package' food resource, it is appropriate for foragers to remember the locations of large stands of sago, clumps of which are assigned individual 'ownership' in Penan tribes (Brosius 1991, 1993). As an evergreen palm tree, sago is not affected by seasonal scarcities, and provides a year-round source of subsistence.
5. Sago performs double duty as a subsistence resource by attracting other edibles such as mushrooms, which grow abundantly on the heaps of discarded pulp, and insect larvae which accumulate in the discarded bark of the tree (Dentan, 1993; Strauss, 1962). Furthermore, the fronds of the sago palm are so useful as structural material for making walls and roofs, as well as containers, etc., that "_even the Malays of southern Borneo [Kalimantan, Indonesia], who reportedly did not extract sago from their palms, still cultivated them for their leaves _ Thus not only are sago palms common, they are also useful enough to attract people's attention for other purposes" (Dentan, 1993: 432-433).
6. Although there are "foraging and handling costs", mostly in the form of processing, which separates edible starch from the inedible wood pulp of the sago trunks, these costs are more than reasonable considering their high return in carbohydrate calories (Brosius 1991, 1993; Dentan, 1993; Ruddle et al., 1978; Strauss, 1962; Ulijaszek & Poraituk, 1993).

Headland's original (1987) thesis supposes that wild yams are the only significant source of starch in the rain forest, and is therefore challenged by the very existence of sago. Perhaps because sago is most commonly associated with horticulturalists in Papua New Guinea and Iran Jaya, and because of the processing which is required for the extraction of its starch, Headland overlooked it as a factor in forager subsistence, although it is undeniably used by Malaysian foragers (Brosius, 1991, 1993; Dentan, 1993). This may be a function of the terms 'foraging' and 'gathering', which do not well describe the labor-insensive processing of thirty-foot palm trees into edible starch, and the subsequent baking of the starch flour into a sort of bread. But since this behavior looks even less like stereotypical horticulture, or pastoralism, these are the only subsistence- strategy terms of universal recognition left to us. Yet the literal 'gathering' of the sago trees (i.e. cutting down and returning trees to the village) accounts for only a tiny fraction of the effort involved in converting these wild resources into consumable calories (Ulijaszek & Poraituk, 1993).

Making Sago

With regard to the likelihood of pre-historic sago processing by the Penan, Dentan, for example, notes that "The skills and technology people in eastern Indonesia use to extract sago are well within the means of Malaysian foragers_" (1991.: 433). Townsend (1969) describes the traditional tools used by some sago-specialized groups in New Guinea as being rudimentary stone implements. They included a cutter - which he believed to be nearly as efficient as a steel tool, for the purpose - and a sago pounder, which is used to smash the fibrous trunks into mush, from which the starch can be filtered out. Although some knowledge of the process is needed, the technology required for the procedure is very accessible, and shows little variation between Malaysia and eastern Indonesia (Brosius, 1989; Ellen, 1988). Dentan's (1991) comparison of the starch content between various species of palm trees does not include Eugeissona utilis, the species exploited by the Penan, but, as noted, Brosius (1991) believes it to have content similar to that of the Metroxylon palms (Metroxylon rumphii and Metroxylon sagu, or "true sago"), which Dentan calculated to contain between two and nine hundred pounds of sago, after processing (p. 428) , which would help to account for their approximate time investment / calorie output statistics, also noted above.

Ulijaszek & Poraituk (1993) conducted a detailed study of the Baroi in Papua New Guinea to determine the amount of time and energy which went into the entire sago processing experience, from leaving the village to go cut the trees down, to clearing up after the end of processing. If anyone rested for more than a minute, that time was deducted from their work time. Results were calculated both in terms of time, energy expended, and energy expended as a function of individual body weight. These were compared to the amount of energy produced, in the form of calories of consumable sago flour, to produce an output/input ratio (total energy produced divided by total energy expended).

Seven sago making groups were monitored; they ran from two to six members, and were frequently nuclear families or families with an additional uncle or aunts. There were always a number of women greater than or equal to that of men, as, in fact, women did about ninety percent of the work involved in sago production (p. 275). The different sub-categories within which Ulijaszek and Poraituk timed the process are instructive of its procedures, and include: Walking to and from sago ground; Chopping down the palm; Clearing vegetation from chopped palm and splitting off the outer layer; Clearing ground of vegetation; Preparing troughs for sago processing; Scraping out pith from palm; Pounding pith; Washing out starch and Clearing up (from table 22.3, p. 275). Of these, the vast majority of time is spent in the scraping, pounding and washing out periods, which were performed by the women.

In a given day of sago production (which generally did not occur more than once or twice per week) the seven groups worked an mean of 10.64 hours, with a standard deviation of 3.88 - the average group size was 3.71 individuals. The mean energy expended was 13.41 MJ, with an SD of 4.99. The mean energy produced was 315.04 MJ, with a hefty SD of 151.82, for a mean output-input ratio (OIR) of 23.34 with an SD of 6.78 (derived from Ulijaszek & Poraituk, 1993.: 275-277). These results agree with those of earlier studies (Ruddle et al, 1978; Ohtsuka, 1990, 1993), which have demonstrated that the efficiency of extracting energy from the sago palm is extremely high. For the Gidra of Papua New Guinea, Ohtsuka (1993.) has demonstrated that it is more efficient than both hunting and horticulture. Ulijaszek and Poraituk concur with these assessments, adding:

For the Baroi, sago-making is efficient in its returns of energy output per unit of energy input, but involves hard physical work on the days in which it is carried out_ since the crop is available all the year round, sago processing by individuals takes place when the staple is needed. The reasonably high value for mean OIR supports the observation that on average, one day's sago-making will provide enough starch to support a household for five days (Ulijaszek and Poraituk, 1983)_ The high energy returns from sago making therefore may subsidize other energetically less efficient but nutritionally important food- getting practices. (p. 279)

In addition to this OIR assessment, a great deal of literature support the basic premises that palms with edible pith are common in South East Asia, and particularly in peninsular Malaysia, Borneo and New Guinea, that they have a number of peripheral uses that make them attractive for non-subsistence related reasons, that they grow in great densities both in the rain forest and in disturbed areas and eco-tones which contain other resources popular with foragers, and that the technology required to extract starch from these trees is not beyond the capacities of foragers in these regions (see Corner, 1966; Cobley 1956; Ellen, 1982, 1988). How could such an obvious and well documented source of rain forest starch have escaped Headland and Bailey's analyses? Headland (1987: 466) does mention the concept of sago extraction in his original article, but his experience is limited to the highland dwelling Agta, who only have the species Caryota cumingii available to them; this palm contains only marginal amounts of edible starch, and would not be worth the effort to process. At best, however, all that this proves is that the Agta might not be able to find enough carbohydrates in their Philippine island forests; but as we know, this was not the extent of Headland's claim.

Where Do Sago Palms Grow?

This is an important argument, because most sago palms are found more plentifully in disturbed areas, edge regions, and in ecotones. As noted above, these palms, including the Eugeissona found in northern Borneo, can grow in deep rain forest, however they are most commonly found on ridges and slopes, patchy areas, around rivers, etc (Corner, 1966). Despite Brosius's assertion that the trees can grow virtually anywhere on Borneo (1991.: 142- 143), the majority of evidence shows sago palms as being more abundant in these environments. As Dentan (1991) notes, this is also where the Penan tend to make their settlements, and where many other edible resources are found in greater abundance.

Although Bailey et al. (1989) do not clearly explain their position on such geographical peculiarities as ridges and rivers, they do appear to have a problem, at least with rivers, in some circumstances. They do not make it clear, however, how the qualified areas of rain forest would effectively exist without rivers to drain them. This sort of stance further begs the question of what is being demanded by the Headland / Bailey hypothesis: If humans inevitably modify the forests in which they live, as seems to be the prevailing wisdom (see Denevan 1992; Bal‚e 1992, 1994; McDade 1993; Rooosevelt 1993), where will we ever find the unmodified forest demanded by the theory? Is it all right if foragers 'burn', so long as they do not 'slash'? If foraging humans tended to live in eco-tones (Rambo 1984), and migrate between several ecological niches , what has been achieved by pointing out that they do not tend to violate these survival strategies of their species by living exclusively in deep, riverless rain forest? By requiring that foragers occupy a single ecological niche - deep, uniform rain forest, which they are furthermore not allowed to modify in any way - the Headland / Bailey theory does two important things, in that it (a) ensures that it can not be disproven so long as its requirements are accepted, and (b) greatly circumscribes its own applicability to real-world situations.

What are the Penan?

The Penan have a social system which may be considered to reflect their exploitation of sago, to some degree. Unlike many forager cultures, they live in large bands which frequently comprise one to two hundred individuals. Furthermore, these bands have a high degree of long term stability in their constituents. As befits the high concentrations of sago palms, these bands have long periods of settlement occupation, often as long as a year or more. And finally, they have "what appears to be a nascent form of aristocratic leadership" (Brosius, 1992: 136; see also Brosius, 1990; Langub, 1996). And despite Hoffman's (1986) portrait of the Penan as professional primitives in the green desert, Selato (1989), Rousseau (1990) and Brosius (1989; 1991; 1993) all contend that they do not trade for agricultural products, but rather just for consumer items such as flashlights and batteries and, at worst, salt (Brosius, 1991).

In summary, then, we may say that the Penan are hunter / gatherers in that they practice no cultivation, but they do practice a form of horticultural stewardship with their clumps of sago palms, making sure to leave some trees to perpetuate the cluster. It can be said that they 'gather' the sago palms, but the real focus of their subsistence strategy is a labor-intensive processing system. This system requires a good deal of energy, but need not be done very often, and it serves the critical function of calorically supporting the less efficient retrieval of other, more nutritionally rich, forest resources (e.g. through hunting, fruit gathering). They are dynamic, moving between different areas of the rain forest, although they occupy settlements for long periods of time while exploiting sago groves. They modify the forest in a variety of recognizable ways, from the defecation of fruit seeds, to the opening-up of forest canopy through the harvesting of sago palms. They have been the victims of Bugis slave raids, and presumably other significant interactions with alien cultures lost to history, which have left marks on their behavioral patterns. And they trade with neighboring horticulturalists, although apparently not for agricultural products.

What term does one use to describe the subsistence strategy of the Penan? I would argue that they are processors, exploiting 'wild' resources (as wild as resources are likely to be in human- occupied forest) through a secondary technique which transforms inedible tree pith into consumable starch. As discussed above, the term "gathering" does not seem to well describe such a process, and because they take advantage of a relatively dense resource base by putting in extra work in a shifting though relatively sedentary environment, the Penan system looks - in many ways - more like that of forager / horticulturalists than it does that of other foraging groups like the Agta or the !Kung. They are not planting the fields, but they are 'fallowing', in a way, by leaving those 'thinned' sago groves years to re-grow before they return. Their system of labor-intensive processing of dense sago groves appears more intensive than extensive, although it does not genuinely fit either categorization. And although the designation "processors" might help separate them from the essentialized Kalahari foragers, in the final analysis they are simply another culture with another way of subsisting in their environment, for which our generalized terminology is necessarily inadequate.

A Counter Proposal

As to the effects of these relationships, it is clearly possible to argue something entirely different than Headland and Bailey's hypothesis: it is possible that millennia of trade relationships with agricultural peoples have caused changes in forager behaviors and in the composition of the forests they live in. If we accept, or rather embrace, the supposition that humans modify their environments in ways that are generally favorable toward their continued survival - rather than considering it an aberration which 'disqualifies' a forager group under charges of anthropomorphization (see Headland, 1997) - it follows that an increased reliance on agriculturalists for carbohydrates might lead to the gradual disappearance of rain forest starches. It also follows that such a relationship would occur, considering that horticulturalists are likely to dedicate the majority of their efforts toward staple starch crops such as rice or wheat, which in some environments may provide a more efficient source of carbohydrates than does foraging. Foragers, then, would be inclined to assume Fox's (1969) "professional primitive" role, and trade more tasty and nutritious rain forest resources such as meat and fruit in exchange for carbohydrates, as Bailey et al. (1989) observed in so many cultures around the world.

Meanwhile, they may have lost some of their knowledge and technologies related to carbohydrate extraction from the rain forest. Perhaps more significantly, the carbohydrate-rich rain forest species may, over the thousands of years these relationships have gone on, have arrested their co-evolution with foragers, leaving the impression that rain forests have always posessed insufficient quantities of such resources to support humans.

A co-evolutionary argument is not, however, necessary to this line of reasoning. Rain forests may adapt purely in terms of the quantity and availability of extant carbohydrate-rich species. Sago palms (Malaysian Eugeissona, in particular) provide two examples of how this might take shape. Firstly, the selective harvesting of some trees on a particular mound has been shown to have a 'thinning' effect which helps the species to gain sunlight and to thrive, positively affecting its long-term survival, reproduction and distribution (Flach, 1977: 163). Secondly, Eugeissona has two means of reproduction: vegetatively, or through 'suckers', and through seed production (Oholttum, 1954). Disbursal of seeds, intentional and inadvertent, is clearly likely to go up when humans are harvesting the trees and making use of the fronds and the fruit. In other words, although sago palms are particularly prevalent in the areas where the Penan exploit it, there has been no study to show that this would remain the case if the Penan were to move, or to stop exploiting the trees.

This theory clearly has many problems - not all carbohydrate producing species are disbursed by seeds, nor have they all been shown to benefit from human foraging behaviors. Theories of co- evolution would, however, predict that such relationships would be likely to evolve, but even so, an analysis would have to be performed as to whether rain forest species could have 'devolved' these relationships in the time frame of human horticultural / foraging relationships. However, the simple fact that disturbing the rain forest - through fire, sago harvesting, and countless other means available to foragers - can lead to better environments for carbohydrate growth, illustrates that significant changes could have occurred in much less time than the millennia these relationships are purported to have gone on.

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